MILITARIZATION OF BURMA: Devastation of the country due to power monopoly urge of the military class

缅甸的军事化：由于军事阶层的权力垄断，国家遭到破坏(机译）

作者：Sai Wansai         来源：掸邦先驱新闻社

Myanmar armed conflicts. Source: BNI.

缅甸武装冲突。来源:研究会。

The crux of the problem in Burma or Myanmar today is the deeply seated political power monopoly urge of the successive military class that transformed the country into militarization process mode.

缅甸或今天缅甸问题的症结在于，将国家转变为军事化进程模式的历代军事阶层根深蒂固的政治权力垄断冲动。

It all started in 1962 with the military coup reportedly claiming to safeguard the country from disintegration, due to Shan government-led Federal Proposal to make the country more federal, as Burma was only federal in name but unitary in practice.

这一切都始于1962年，据报道，由于掸邦政府领导的联邦提案使国家更加联邦化，军事政变声称保护国家免于解体，因为缅甸只是名义上的联邦制，但实际上是统一的。

From then on the country’s ethnic conflict and rebellion have not gone away until today. In addition, there were also ideological conflict even before the Independence from the British in 1948, but these came to an end in 1989 when the Communist Party of Burma disintegrated.

从那时起，这个国家的种族冲突和叛乱直到今天都没有消失。此外，在1948年脱离英国独立之前，也有意识形态上的冲突，但这些冲突在1989年缅甸共产党解体时结束了。

To make the long story short, the decades-long ethnic conflict goes on unabated in all ethnic states of Shan, Karenni, Karen, Mon, Arakan or Rakhein, Chin and Kachin states.

长话短说，在掸邦、克伦尼邦、克伦邦、孟邦、若开邦或若开邦、钦邦和克钦邦等所有少数民族邦，长达数十年的民族冲突有增无减。

The successive military junta on its part employed “divide-and-rule” policy quite effectively, as the ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) or ethnic resistance Organizations (EROs)weren’t able to work in unison in delivering the fight against the military establishment. But this is to change drastically after the military junta led by Gen. Min Aung Hlaing staged a coup in February 2021.

由于少数民族武装组织（eao）或少数民族抵抗组织（EROs）无法团结一致地与军方机构进行斗争，因此连续的军政府非常有效地采用了“分而治之”的政策。但在敏昂莱将军领导的军政府于2021年2月发动政变后，这种情况发生了巨大变化。

The tenure of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi-led National League for Democracy (NLD) government from 2016 to 2021, and five years prior under President Thein Sein, in total 10 years had given the population a taste of freedom, freepress, and democratic rights and so on to a certain degree, even though the system was a quasi-civilian rule, with the military having 25% appointed seats in the Parliament.

昂山素季（Aung San Suu kyi）领导的全国民主联盟（NLD）政府从2016年到2021年的任期，以及此前5年登盛（Thein Sein）总统的任期，总共10年，让缅甸人民在一定程度上尝到了自由、新闻自由和民主权利等的滋味，尽管缅甸的体制是一种准文官统治，军方在议会中拥有25%的任命席位。

Thus, the military coup was rejected by the whole country, especially the younger generation Z, as they refused to go back under the military rule and rather fight to defend their freedom and democracy.

因此，军事政变遭到了整个国家的反对，尤其是年轻一代Z，因为他们拒绝回到军事统治之下，而是为捍卫他们的自由和民主而战。

As the mass protest spread across the country the brutality of the military junta also increased, killing demonstrators randomly by shooting in the heads. Arrests become widespread and most NLD top members were rounded up.

随着大规模抗议活动在全国范围内蔓延，军政府的暴行也在增加，他们随意射杀示威者的头部。逮捕变得普遍，全国民主联盟的大多数高层成员被围捕。

Then the generation Z and other older generations decided to make the move to the EROs’ areas to start the armed struggles, as they foresee no other options left for them.

然后，Z世代和其他老一辈人决定向EROs地区转移，开始武装斗争，因为他们预见到他们没有其他选择。

And that was the start of the whole Bamar people revolutionary zeal, which has taken over the whole country with burning desire to strive for change of the country without the military dictatorship system, and the establishment of a genuine federal democratic union.

这是整个缅甸人民革命热情的开始，这种革命热情以强烈的愿望席卷了整个缅甸，争取改变这个没有军事独裁制度的国家，建立一个真正的联邦民主联盟。

Myanmar Army Military Regional Commands.

缅甸陆军军区司令部。

 Two trends of militarization

两种军事化趋势

This ushered us into the state of militarization with more intensity in ethnic states, as the new recruits arriving in thousands to Chin, Kachin, Shan, Karenni, Karen, Mon and Rakhein states boosted the strength of the ethnic resistance Organizations (EROs) to combat the junta in a large scale.

这让我们进入了军事化的状态，在少数民族国家，这种状态更加强烈，因为成千上万的新兵来到钦邦、克钦邦、掸邦、克伦尼邦、克伦邦、孟邦和若开邦，增强了民族抵抗组织（EROs）的力量，以大规模对抗军政府。

The case in points are the Karen National Union (KNU), Karenni National Progresive Party (KNPP), Kachin Independence Army (KIA), Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), and Arakan Army (AA).

典型的例子是克伦民族联盟（KNU）、克伦尼民族进步党（KNPP）、克钦独立军（KIA）、塔昂民族解放军（TNLA）、缅甸民族民主联盟军（MNDAA）和阿拉干军（AA）。

We may term this as a positive militarization as the aspirations and motives are waging a just war to uproot the tyrannical military dictatorship system and to establish a free federal democratic union.

我们可以把这称为积极的军事化，因为我们的愿望和动机是发动一场正义的战争，以铲除残暴的军事独裁制度，建立一个自由的联邦民主联盟。

In contrast, the forced recruiting of military junta may be taken as unjustly pressuring the whole civil population to defend its oppressive regime, which the population , in fact , hated it to the core. This junta’s act can be labeled negative militarization.

相比之下，强行招募军政府可能被认为是不公正地迫使全体平民捍卫其压迫性政权，事实上，人民对它恨之入骨。这个军政府的行为可以被称为消极军事化。

Present situation 现状

In all ethnic states, Chin, Kachin, Karenni, Karen and Rakhein revolutionary tide is on the rise gaining ground and momentum, so much so that the captured towns countrywide are now 91 already.

在所有的少数民族国家，钦、克钦、克伦尼、克伦和若开族的革命浪潮正在高涨，势头越来越强，以至于全国被占领的城镇现在已经有91个了。

According to a BBC report, the combined anti-junta resistance forces controls 42% of the country’s areas, while the junta just 21%, in central lowland big cities.

据BBC报道，反军政府联合抵抗力量控制了全国42%的地区，而军政府只控制了中部低地大城市21%的地区。

Quite recently, AA took Ann City and junta’s Western Military Command, making it the second military command to fall, after Lashio North Eastern Military Command a few months ago to the MNDAA or Kokang.

最近，AA占领了安市和军政府的西部军事指挥部，使其成为第二个被占领的军事指挥部，几个月前腊戍东北军事指挥部被果敢民盟占领。

The junta troops have already lost the will to fight, according to the battle field reports surrendering in hundreds in northern Shan State, Kachin State and also Rakhein State recently in Ann and elsewhere within the state.

根据战场报告，军政府部队已经失去了战斗的意愿，最近在掸邦北部、克钦邦和若开邦以及该邦其他地方，有数百人投降。

Now AA needs only to advance to Kyaukpyu, Manaung and Sittway, the three remaining towns to capture. It is only weighing on how to handle, as Kyaukpyu has large Chinese economic interest.

现在AA只需要向皎漂、马南和实兑挺进，这是剩下的三个有待占领的城镇。它只是在权衡如何处理，因为皎漂在中国经济上有很大的利益。

The KIA has taken over border gates and borderland areas rich in rare earth elements along China-Myanmar, which the Chinese badly needed, and now advancing to take Bhamo, the second largest city in Kachin State.

克钦独立军已经占领了中国急需的中缅边境关口和富含稀土元素的边境地区，现在正在向克钦邦第二大城市巴莫挺进。

Reportedly some border gates are reopened and others are to follow suit, which indicates that the Chinese are relaxing its sanctions on the KIA and in Kachin State as a whole. Clearly the Chinese are making a deal with the winning KIA, which it will surely extend it to the AA soon.

据报道，一些边境大门重新开放，其他大门也将重新开放，这表明中国正在放松对克钦独立军和整个克钦邦的制裁。很明显，中国正在与获胜的KIA达成协议，它肯定会很快将协议扩展到AA。

Likewise, Chin Brotherhood took Mindat City in Chin State recently and continue to battle the junta troops all over the state, with success.

同样，钦族兄弟会最近占领了钦邦的敏达城，并继续在整个邦与军政府军队作战，并取得了成功。

In Karen State theater National Liberation Army (KNLA) took Maneplaw, the former Karen National Union headquarters which has historical significant by the Brigade 7.

在克伦邦战区，民族解放军（KNLA）占领了马尼普劳，这是前克伦民族联盟总部，对第7旅具有历史意义。

The junta on its part is having difficulty to fill the needed quota for it forced conscription. Militarily it mostly can only use airstrikes and artillery bombardment, as it lacks troops that are experienced, under strength or thinly spread across the country , it sends in small raid units into Anyar and burned down villages, of which many were militarily engaged and annihilated by the National Unity Government/People’s Defense Force (NUG/ PDF).

军政府方面很难满足强制征兵所需的配额。在军事上，它主要只能使用空袭和炮击，因为它缺乏经验丰富、兵力不足或分散在全国各地的部队，它派遣小型突袭部队进入安亚尔并烧毁村庄，其中许多村庄被民族团结政府/人民国防军（NUG/ PDF）军事参与并消灭。

Militarization good or bad

军事化是好是坏

“Militarization is the intentional cultural, symbolic, and material preparation for war, influencing various aspects of societies and cultures by transforming civilians into soldiers and shaping social structures to support the military,” according to International Encyclopedia of Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second Edition), 2015.

根据2015年《国际社会与行为科学百科全书》（第二版），“军事化是有意为战争做的文化、象征和物质准备，通过将平民转变为士兵，塑造支持军队的社会结构，影响社会和文化的各个方面。”

It further explains, “Militarization programs often trade in and promote ideas about innate violence and the naturalness of military values; while sociobiological notions of ‘natural’ soldiers are politically convenient, these arguments sidestep analyses of power and process, and can be used to naturalize and depoliticize militarization processes and war as a way to make them seem inevitable.”

它进一步解释说，“军事化计划经常交易和促进关于先天暴力和军事价值的自然性的想法；虽然‘天然’士兵的社会生物学概念在政治上是方便的，但这些论点回避了对权力和过程的分析，可以用来将军事化过程和战争自然化和非政治化，使它们看起来不可避免。”

Whatever the argument, questions arise whether the militarization is a good or bad for the country and its population, the general assessment of the situation isn’t affirmative.

无论争论是什么，军事化对国家和人民是好是坏的问题出现了，对形势的总体评估是不肯定的。

But in Myanmar or Burma case, the population has been pushed to the brink to choose sides, either the military junta or the anti-junta ethnic-democratic forces.

但在缅甸的情况下，人民已经被推到了选择的边缘，要么是军政府，要么是反军政府的民族民主力量。

While the junta’s unjust recruiting using forced government conscription laws it isn’t legitimate, as it is an illegitimate coup regime, only to defend its oppressive tyrannical rule, the ethnic-democratic forces recruitment is largely voluntary, with some exceptions within ERO ranks, which also enforced compulsory conscription from the very outset, within their areas.

虽然军政府使用强制政府征兵法进行不公正的招募，这是不合法的，因为它是一个非法的政变政权，只是为了捍卫其压迫性的暴政统治，但少数民族民主力量的招募大部分是自愿的，除了ERO的一些例外，他们从一开始就在他们的地区实施强制征兵。

Thus, the bulk of Bamar revolutionary groups fighting together with the EROs are voluntary young recruits and have nothing to do with the forced conscription. Many still fight with the EROs to gain combat experience but a lot also already entered the Anyar, Dry Zone area where the majority Bamar population lives and carrying out the revolution to uproot the military dictatorship system in their homestead.

因此，与EROs一起作战的大部分缅甸革命团体都是自愿招募的年轻新兵，与强制征兵无关。许多人仍然与EROs一起战斗以获得战斗经验，但也有很多人已经进入了大多数缅族人口居住的安亚尔干旱地区，并在他们的家园进行革命，以根除军事独裁制度。

Thus, for the first time in modern history the military establishment is denied support from the Bamar population of Anyar. Moreover, they have turned against the military and joined the EROs in a common cause to fulfill the aspirations of the people, which is uprooting the military dictatorship system and establishment of a genuine federal democratic union.

因此，在现代历史上，军事机构第一次被剥夺了来自安亚尔的缅族人口的支持。此外，他们已转而反对军方，并加入人民运动，以实现人民的愿望，即铲除军事独裁制度，建立一个真正的联邦民主联盟。

The militarization of Burma comes about naturally due to the heavy oppressive nature of the military class to permanently monopolize the political power by all means, which in turn has been rejected by the bulk of the population and transformed into Spring Revolution that has morphed the EROs with the lowland Bamar people into a popular uprising. In other words, the launching of the revolution or Spring Revolution is a kind of militarization by the people, so to speak.

缅甸的军事化是由于军事阶级以各种手段永久垄断政治权力的沉重压迫性质而自然产生的，而这反过来又遭到了大部分人口的拒绝，并转化为春季革命，将低地缅甸人民的EROs演变为人民起义。换句话说，发动革命或春天革命，可以说是一种人民的军事化。

In sum, it is hard to definitely say if militarization is good or bad for the country, as the transformation comes automatically due to the oppression which breeds people’s hatred of the military junta and commitment to resist it by all means.

总之，很难肯定地说军事化对国家是好是坏，因为这种转变是自动发生的，因为压迫滋生了人们对军政府的仇恨，并承诺不惜一切代价抵制它。

作者：Sai Wansai         来源：掸邦先驱新闻社