KIO/KIA’s Unspoken Objective in Myanmar’s Revolution: Uniting the Kachin Into a Nation

克钦独立组织/克钦独立军在缅甸革命中未言明的目标：将克钦人统一为一个国家（机译）

作者：Zung Ring          来源：伊洛瓦底江

A widely accepted definition of a “nation” refers to groups of people within defined borders. It can also refer to people united by shared history, culture, traditions and language, even if they lack an official political territory.

一个被广泛接受的“民族”的定义是指在确定的边界内的人群。它也可以指因共同的历史、文化、传统和语言而团结在一起的人，即使他们没有正式的政治领土。

These definitions suggests that the “Kachin” are still in the process of becoming a nation. “Kachin” is an exonym, and there is no consensus among the concerned ethnic groups on a unified endonym for “Kachin” as their collective identity.

这些定义表明“克钦族”仍处于成为一个民族的过程中。“克钦”是一个外来语，有关民族对“克钦”的统一内来语作为其集体身份并没有达成共识。

The Myanmar Spring Revolution presents a historical opportunity for the Kachin Independence Organization/Army (KIO/KIA) to lead all Kachin ethnic groups into nationhood. This is possible because the KIO/KIA has managed to earn unprecedented degrees of public support from both Kachin and non-Kachin people by supporting the revolution from the start.

缅甸之春革命为克钦独立组织/克钦独立军（KIO/KIA）领导所有克钦民族建立国家提供了历史机遇。这是可能的，因为克钦独立组织/克钦独立军从一开始就支持这场革命，成功地从克钦和非克钦人那里获得了前所未有的公众支持。

In terms of cooperation and partnership with the National Unity Government (NUG), the KIA is one of the members of the military partnership known as the K3C, along with the Karen National Union, the Karenni National Progressive Party and the Chin National Front.

在与民族团结政府（NUG）的合作和伙伴关系方面，克钦独立军与克伦民族联盟、克伦民族进步党和钦民族阵线一起是被称为K3C的军事伙伴关系的成员之一。

The KIA is also believed to be providing military training and arms to the young people (formed as the People’s Defense Forces or PDFs) who are fighting against the Tatmadaw (Myanmar’s military) in Sagaing Region bordering Kachin State. In the military operations in Sagaing Region, the KIA is even believed to be acting as the NUG’s regional commander. In short, this active support for the revolution has earned the KIO/KIA the greatest political support in its history from the public beyond Kachin.

据信，克钦独立军还向在与克钦邦接壤的实皆地区与缅甸军队作战的年轻人（以人民国防军的名义组建）提供军事训练和武器。在实皆地区的军事行动中，克钦独立军甚至被认为是民族团结军的地区指挥官。简而言之，这种对革命的积极支持为克钦独立组织/克钦独立军赢得了克钦以外公众有史以来最大的政治支持。

How is the KIO/KIA utilizing or capitalizing on this newfound public political support? Before looking into this question, let us look at perhaps the key touchy issue surrounding “Kachin” as a collective identity.

克钦独立组织/克钦独立军如何利用或利用这种新发现的公众政治支持？在研究这个问题之前，让我们看看围绕“克钦”作为一个集体身份的关键敏感问题。

Sensitive issue of identity

身份的敏感问题

As a brief background, Kachin is made up of six ethnic groups: the Jinghpaw, Lacid (Lachid), Lhaovo, Lisu, Rawang and Zaiwa. Even though they share the Christian faith (with different denominations), and a large degree of their culture, traditions and customs, they each have their own written language. Among Kachin, Jinghpaw is the dominant group and its language is used as the lingua franca.

作为一个简单的背景，克钦由六个民族组成：景颇族、拉克德族、拉沃族、傈僳族、拉旺族和再瓦族。尽管他们都信仰基督教（不同的教派），并且在很大程度上拥有自己的文化、传统和习俗，但他们都有自己的书面语言。在克钦族中，景掌族是优势族群，其语言被用作通用语。

Collective identity remains a complex and sensitive issue. “Kachin” serves as their exonym, yet they lack an agreed-upon endonym. While Christian institutions (i.e., churches dominated by Jinghpaw) prefer the term “Jinghpaw Wunpawng” (even just “Jinghpaw” if possible), the official policy of the KIO/KIA is “Wunpawng” as the endonym.

集体认同仍然是一个复杂而敏感的问题。“克钦”是他们的外来名，但他们缺乏一个商定的内来名。虽然基督教机构（即由京柏主导的教会）更喜欢“京柏wunpawing”（如果可能的话，甚至只是“京柏”），但克钦独立组织/克钦独立军的官方政策是“wunpawing”作为别名。

At the same time, in practice, the KIO/KIA is seemingly only half-hearted at best on this particular policy. Thus, the issue of collective identity has been one of the main obstacles in unifying all Kachin into a nation.

与此同时，在实践中，克钦独立组织/克钦独立军在这一特殊政策上似乎充其量只是半心半意。因此，集体认同问题一直是克钦统一为一个国家的主要障碍之一。

Briefly, non-Jinghpaw ethnic groups reject Kachin nation building based on Jinghpaw identity and Jinghpaw culture; the same as non-Bamar ethnic groups reject “Myanmar” nation building based on Bamar or Myanmar identity and its culture.

简而言之，非景颇族拒绝基于景颇族身份和景颇族文化的克钦国家建设；与非缅族一样，反对基于缅族或缅甸身份及其文化的“缅甸”国家建设。

Ethnic lineage-based armed organizations

基于民族血统的武装组织

Frustrated and disillusioned with the Jinghpaw-led Kachin nation building efforts with Jinghpaw identity, some leaders within non-Jinghpaw ethnic groups—more hardliners if you like—have chosen to form ethnic lineage-based armed organizations.

由于对景颇族领导的以景颇族身份建立克钦国家的努力感到失望和幻灭，一些非景颇族的领导人——如果你愿意的话，可以称之为强硬派——选择组建以民族血统为基础的武装组织。

Meanwhile, this is not to say that all non-Jinghpaw ethnic groups have left the KIO/KIA and support their own respective ethnic lineage armed group. On the contrary, the KIO/KIA rank-and-file are comprised of all Kachin ethnic groups (even though Jinghpaw predominantly occupy the top levels).

同时，这并不是说所有非京埔族都离开了克钦独立组织/克钦独立军，转而支持各自的民族武装组织。相反，克钦独立组织/克钦独立军的普通成员由所有克钦族组成（尽管景颇族占据了高层）。

The Lacid ethnic lineage militias include the Border Guard Force (BGF) led by Zahkung Ting Ying and local militia led by Lagwi Bawm Lang. (In practice, they are largely the same group.) The BGF was formerly known as the New Democratic Army (Kachin) or NDAK, which split from the KIA and entered a ceasefire with the military government. Following the ceasefire, it was given a designated territory, Special Region (1), which is well known for rare-earth mining and was controlled by Zakhung Ting Ying for more than 30 years.

拉克族民兵包括扎孔廷英领导的边防部队（BGF）和拉威鲍姆朗领导的地方民兵。（实际上，他们基本上是同一群人。）整编以前被称为新民主军（克钦）或NDAK，从克钦独立军分裂出来并与军政府停火。停火后，它被指定为一个特别地区(1)，该地区以稀土开采而闻名，由Zakhung Ting Ying控制了30多年。

The Rawang ethnic lineage group known as the Khaunglanhpu militia is led by Rawang ethnic leader Tang Gu Tan, and operates in the Puta-O region in northernmost Kachin State.

被称为昆格兰普民兵的拉旺族组织由拉旺族领导人唐古坦领导，在克钦邦最北部的普塔奥地区活动。

More recently, both the Lisu People’s Militia and Lhaovo People’s Militia were formed with the support of the State Administration Council (SAC—the junta) and they operate in Waingmaw Township. Both are widely reported to be fighting alongside junta forces against the KIA-led resistance forces in Kachin State.

最近，傈僳族民兵和拉沃沃民兵都是在国家行政委员会（sac -军政府）的支持下成立的，他们在万貌镇活动。据广泛报道，这两支部队都在克钦邦与军政府部队并肩作战，打击克钦独立军领导的抵抗力量。

Uniting Kachin groups by force

用武力统一克钦族

The KIO/KIA has always wanted to be the only armed organization to represent all Kachin people. However, this has been hindered by the presence of the ethnic lineage-based armed organizations stated above.

克钦独立组织/克钦独立军一直希望成为唯一代表所有克钦人的武装组织。然而，上述以种族血统为基础的武装组织的存在阻碍了这一点。

With its newfound public support derived from supporting the Spring Revolution, the KIA has achieved two strategic victories—consolidating its power as the sole Kachin military and political organization to represent all Kachin people.

克钦独立军由于支持春季革命而获得了新的公众支持，因此取得了两项战略胜利——巩固了其作为唯一代表全体克钦人民的克钦军事和政治组织的权力。

In early 2024, it defeated the Lisu militia led by former leader of the Lisu National Development Party (LNDP) Shwe Min, who was killed in action. This defeat also includes the Lhaovo militia because the Lhaovo and Lisu fought together. They both still exist but given that they are new and small, the LNDP is now less active since the death of its leader, and it would be difficult for it to recover under the current circumstances.

2024年初，它击败了由傈僳族国家发展党（LNDP）前领导人瑞敏领导的傈僳族民兵，瑞敏在行动中丧生。这次失败也包括Lhaovo民兵，因为Lhaovo和Lisu一起战斗。他们都还在，但考虑到他们是新成立的，规模很小，自其领导人去世以来，自由民主党的活跃程度有所下降，在目前的情况下，它很难东山再起。

The other key victory is over the Border Guard Force (BGF) led by Zahkung Ting Ying and the militia led by Lagwi Bawm Lang. Despite China’s pressure, the KIA captured the Border Guard Force (BGF)’s posts in Special Region (1) in early November 2024. Following its victory, the KIO/KIA declared the abolition of Special Region (1). This victory is more significant because the KIO/KIA now controls rare-earth mining and all border crossing gates with China in Kachin State.

另一个关键的胜利是战胜了扎孔廷英领导的边防部队和拉威鲍姆朗领导的民兵。不顾中国的压力，克钦独立军于2024年11月初占领了边防部队（BGF）在特区(1)的哨所。在胜利之后，克钦独立组织/克钦独立军宣布废除特别行政区(1)。这一胜利更为重要，因为克钦独立组织/克钦独立军现在控制着克钦邦的稀土开采和所有与中国的边境关口。

In the coming months or year, one should not be surprised if the KIO/KIA moves toward Puta-O region either to crush the Rawang militia (if persuasion fails) as the next target. If this happens, it will mean the KIO/KIA has successfully unified (by force) all Kachin ethnic groups.

在接下来的几个月或一年里，如果克钦独立组织/克钦独立军向普塔-奥地区移动，或者粉碎拉旺民兵（如果说服失败），作为下一个目标，人们不应该感到惊讶。如果发生这种情况，这将意味着克钦独立组织/克钦独立军成功地统一了所有克钦民族。

With internal Kachin unity and public support, along with cooperation from its allies such as PDFs and other ethnic revolutionary organizations (EROs), the KIO/KIA is likely to focus more on other non-Kachin militias. These include the SNA operating in parts of Kachin State and Sagaing Region, and the Min Ze Thant militia active in Shaduzup, Danai Township—both of which are under the command of the junta.

有了克钦内部的团结和公众的支持，再加上其盟友如pdf和其他民族革命组织（EROs）的合作，克钦独立组织/克钦独立军可能会更多地关注其他非克钦民兵。其中包括在克钦邦和实皆地区活动的民族同盟，以及活跃在达奈镇Shaduzup的Min Ze Thant民兵，两者都在军政府的指挥下。

Will KIO/KIA nation building succeed?

克钦独立组织/克钦独立军国家建设会成功吗？

The success or failure of Kachin nation building will largely depend on the willingness and ability of the KIO/KIA to fully implement its “Ninggawn Mungmasa” (National Policy) – which values equality, argues Mangshang Yaw Bawm, the author of a book (in Jinghpaw) “Kachin? Wunpawng? Jinghpaw Wunpawng? Jinghpaw?: Amyusha Gawgap Lam hte Anhte A Bawsang Shingteng Amying Gamung” (Kachin Nation Building and Ethnic Identity Conversation). The book stands out as perhaps the most comprehensive research work on this subject of Kachin nation building and ethnic identity. It delves into aspects that touch on some of the most politically sensitive issues within Kachin society.

克钦民族建设的成败将在很大程度上取决于克钦独立组织/克钦独立军是否有意愿和能力全面实施其“民族政策”——该政策重视平等，《克钦？Wunpawng吗?Jinghpaw Wunpawng吗?Jinghpaw吗?： Amyusha Gawgap Lam hte Anhte A Bawsang Shingteng Amying Gamung（克钦国家建设与民族认同对话）。这本书可能是关于克钦国家建设和民族认同这一主题最全面的研究工作。它深入探讨了克钦社会中一些最敏感的政治问题。

In its “Ninggawn Mungmasa”, “Kachin” is the exonym and “Wunpawng” the endonym, collectively, for all Kachin ethnic groups; “Kachin State” is as the exonym and “Wunpawng Mungdan” is the endonym. According to Mangshang Yaw Bawm in his book, all non-Jinghpaw ethnic groups of the Kachin accept the KIO/KIA’s policy on this matter; however, it has not fully implemented the policy. For example, during the annual celebration of “Kachin State Day” on Jan. 10, 2020, the KIO instructed that “Jinghpaw Mungdaw Nhtoi” not be changed as the endonym, when in fact it should be “Wunpawng Mungdaw Nhtoi” according to its policy.

在其《宁关芒玛萨》中，“克钦”为外音，“武当”为内音，统称克钦各民族；“克钦邦”为外音，“旺堡芒丹”为内音。Mangshang Yaw Bawm在他的书中说，克钦所有非景颇族都接受克钦独立组织/克钦独立军在这个问题上的政策；然而，它并没有完全实施这一政策。例如，在2020年1月10日的“克钦国定日”年度庆祝活动中，克钦独立组织指示不将“景波蒙都恩托伊”作为别名，而实际上，根据其政策，它应该是“wunpawong Mungdaw恩托伊”。

Other non-Jinghpaw ethnic groups reject the endonym “Jinghpaw Mungdaw” because this implies that they are landless people. They also raise serious concerns regarding the vision of the KIO/KIA. The annual Jan. 10 Kachin State Day celebration commemorates the formation of the first Kachin State government at the first meeting of the Kachin State Council Conference on Jan. 10, 1948—the year Myanmar (then Burma) got its independence.

其他非京埔族拒绝使用“京埔Mungdaw”这个别名，因为这意味着他们是没有土地的人。他们还对克钦独立组织/克钦独立军的愿景表示严重关切。每年的1月10日克钦邦国庆日庆祝活动是为了纪念1948年1月10日缅甸（当时的缅甸）获得独立的克钦邦国务院会议第一次会议上成立的第一届克钦邦政府。

Jan. 10 is approaching. It is unclear if people care about celebrating “Kachin State Day” amidst the ongoing civil war. If they care to celebrate, it remains to be seen whether the KIO continues to favor “Jinghpaw Mungdaw Nhtoi” over “Wunpawng Mungdaw Nhtoi” as it instructed in 2020.

1月10日就要到了。目前尚不清楚人们是否关心在持续的内战中庆祝“克钦邦日”。如果他们愿意庆祝，克钦独立组织是否会像2020年指示的那样，继续支持“京埔蒙都恩”，而不是“wunpawong Mungdaw恩”，还有待观察。

Mangshang Yaw Bawm argues that the KIO needs to have a vision for a federal system (and implement it) within Kachin ethnic groups, just as the KIO advocates for federalism in Myanmar. Specifically how, where and when should the principle of ethnic equality be recognized? While “Jinghpaw” can be the official language in the state, how to recognize other languages, cultures of the non-Jinghpaw ethnic minority in the state? Successful Kachin nation building would also require a meaningful participation in the nation building process (i.e., development of political, economic, security, and social institutions) from all concerned ethnic groups.

Mangshang Yaw Bawm认为，克钦独立组织需要在克钦少数民族内部有一个联邦制的愿景（并实施它），就像克钦独立组织在缅甸倡导联邦制一样。具体地说，种族平等的原则应该如何、何时、何地得到承认？在“京柏族”可以作为国家官方语言的情况下，如何承认其他非京柏族的语言和文化？成功的克钦国家建设还需要所有相关民族有意义地参与国家建设进程（即政治、经济、安全和社会机构的发展）。

Zung Ring is a social worker and independent political analyst based in Myanmar.

Zung Ring是缅甸的一名社会工作者和独立政治分析人士。

作者：Zung Ring          来源：伊洛瓦底江